That would be Lew Uhler, granddaddy of this Article V movement. Eighteen months ago when I decided to get involved I called a number for Lew I got off the internet. He picked up, and we had a nice chat. I went down to his office near Sacramento and met him and his son Kirk. Lew drove me to lunch in his 1991 Buick. He got me on the BBA Task Force, which I’ve been working with ever since.
Lew’s been in Mexico for ten days and said he had a way to stop illegal immigration. Make all the illegal immigrants go through the hell he and his wife had to endure getting back into this country. I told him all about the Seattle meeting. We talked for half an hour and he’s putting it on his calendar. He understood quite clearly the effect of Constitutional regulatory reform on the economy and the deficit. He’s going to get a couple deep thinkers, one from Cato, one from the Competitive Enterprise Institute, to make a presentation in Seattle on that precise topic. It’s the kind of thing everyone knows, in a general sense. But when you really make the case, using hard numbers, of the positive economic impact of regulatory reform it’s overwhelming.
We talked about how, until the Civil War, the new land was always given to the people, and from North Dakota down to Texas, and everything East, it was. That stopped, and the federal government kept a large share of the land of the West, from Montana down to New Mexico, and everything West. Giving title of this land to the states, with the federal government retaining a beneficial interest, entitling it to 50% of the proceeds of development, would result in an enormous expansion of economic activity.
Speaking of deep thinkers, election analyst Nate Cohn had a big piece in the New York Times on how the Republican nomination contest was going to play out. Nate has obviously been giving it a lot of thought, and makes a pretty good case for the conventional wisdom. But he really shouldn’t take himself so seriously. He’s basically a numbers cruncher, a numbers guy. They have their uses but when they start telling you they know what’s going to happen, this far out, they’re blowing smoke. In April of 1971 George McGovern had been running for President for four months, and was at 1% in the polls. In January of 1972 he was at 3%. People like Nate Cohn don’t understand that things happen, and people make them happen.
I think I know what’s going to happen. We’re going to have the dirtiest campaign in modern history. The Clintons and all their allies will stop at nothing to win. Will we fight back? I’m confident we will, and effectively, and beat them. It’s a matter of political will. One thing I’ve learned on the Task Force these last eighteen months is that there’s no shortage of that. It’s really just a question of organizing it. That’s what Seattle is all about.
I’ve always liked to fight, ever since I was a kid growing up in Richmond. I got in a lot of fights. It was a form of recreation. We were just little kids, nine and ten years old, and we couldn’t really hurt each other. We’d fight in the playground in the back of St. Cornelius at recess or at lunch. The nuns knew what was going on, but they didn’t care. Boys will be boys. When we moved to Pleasant Hill, in the suburbs, I found out that kids didn’t fight as much as they did in Richmond, so I didn’t get in very many. Anyway, I’ve always had a kind of combative attitude, and enjoy political fights like I used to enjoy real fights. The one we’ve got coming up is going to be a doozy.
And I’m going to enjoy myself.